The US policy of soft power in Central Asia
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Introduction 3
1. Discourse of soft power and public diplomacy 8
1.1. The history of the formation of the foundations of “soft power” 8
1.2. Mechanisms and tools for the implementation of “soft power” 16
2. The US policy in Central Asia 26
2.1. The US foreign policy: principles, main directions, tools 26
2.2. The Central Asian Direction of the US Foreign Policy 40
3. The US Public Diplomacy in Central Asia: Apparatus and Strategies 45
3.1. The role of the institution in the implementation of foreign policy goals 45
3.2 American public diplomacy in Afghanistan 53
Conclusion 59
References 70
1. Discourse of soft power and public diplomacy 8
1.1. The history of the formation of the foundations of “soft power” 8
1.2. Mechanisms and tools for the implementation of “soft power” 16
2. The US policy in Central Asia 26
2.1. The US foreign policy: principles, main directions, tools 26
2.2. The Central Asian Direction of the US Foreign Policy 40
3. The US Public Diplomacy in Central Asia: Apparatus and Strategies 45
3.1. The role of the institution in the implementation of foreign policy goals 45
3.2 American public diplomacy in Afghanistan 53
Conclusion 59
References 70
This work is devoted to the study of “soft power” - the ways in which a country can influence the processes taking place in the world.
In the 21st century, the channels through which each state can influence international processes and other countries are expanding. Today, a country’s economic success, its ideological credibility, and its cultural appeal are often more important factors than its military power and possession of nuclear weapons.
When Joseph Nye coined the term “soft power” in 1990, the Cold War was coming to an end, and the Soviet empire was crumbling. Countries ceased to conduct dialogue with each other from a position of only power and strength.
“Soft power” remains a priority tool in regulating relations not only outside the country, but also within the country.
The relevance of this work is explained by the fact that in today’s world the processes of globalization and migration are intensifying. People change their place of residence, moving to other countries, but without losing touch with the original culture. Through immigration, the experience of other countries spreads around the world, creating the cultural image of the country. And the more great people support the ideals and values of this or that country, the more attractive this country becomes in the eyes of other people.
For example, an attempt to establish a harsh dictatorship in Russia and instill in the population hatred of the West also failed because American values, such as freedom and equality, are very attractive to Russians. And no new laws and “propaganda of national historical values” can make it attractive to humiliate women, migrants, members of minorities. A repeat of the Cold War is becoming impossible because ideologically, Russia and the United States are already close to each other and share universal human values. American popular culture has penetrated into the life of every Russian through television. Exports of films and television from the United States in 2016 alone amounted to $16.2 billion. In comparison, exports of films and television from Britain, which reached a wave of popularity, amounted to 1.2 billion dollars.
The US policy in Central Asia is also often viewed from the position of “soft power”, especially in the cultural and humanitarian dimension. In many ways, this position is more cultivated by adherents of conspiracy theories and geopolitics. We are talking about the formation of an alumni pool, i.e. alumni network of American exchange programs. This is what the United States has been actively doing and continues to do at the present time - to actively invest in the development of human capital by providing various kinds of educational and / or research programs in the world and in the Central Asian region in particular. Moreover, it is important to note that the policy of encouraging and promoting democratic values and human rights has been a key tenet of Washington's foreign policy strategy for at least the past 30 years.
As part of this work, we will consider how the United States applied the concept of “soft power” and why it was successful.
The object of our research: US foreign policy at the end of the 20th - at the beginning of the 21st century.
Subject of study: the U.S. public diplomacy in Central Asia as an instrument of its foreign policy.
Territorial and chronological framework of the study. The study of the components of “soft power” in US foreign policy as a whole is concentrated within the period 2000-2018 years. And territorial limits of the United States of America in countries of interest in the zone of influence of US foreign policy....
In the 21st century, the channels through which each state can influence international processes and other countries are expanding. Today, a country’s economic success, its ideological credibility, and its cultural appeal are often more important factors than its military power and possession of nuclear weapons.
When Joseph Nye coined the term “soft power” in 1990, the Cold War was coming to an end, and the Soviet empire was crumbling. Countries ceased to conduct dialogue with each other from a position of only power and strength.
“Soft power” remains a priority tool in regulating relations not only outside the country, but also within the country.
The relevance of this work is explained by the fact that in today’s world the processes of globalization and migration are intensifying. People change their place of residence, moving to other countries, but without losing touch with the original culture. Through immigration, the experience of other countries spreads around the world, creating the cultural image of the country. And the more great people support the ideals and values of this or that country, the more attractive this country becomes in the eyes of other people.
For example, an attempt to establish a harsh dictatorship in Russia and instill in the population hatred of the West also failed because American values, such as freedom and equality, are very attractive to Russians. And no new laws and “propaganda of national historical values” can make it attractive to humiliate women, migrants, members of minorities. A repeat of the Cold War is becoming impossible because ideologically, Russia and the United States are already close to each other and share universal human values. American popular culture has penetrated into the life of every Russian through television. Exports of films and television from the United States in 2016 alone amounted to $16.2 billion. In comparison, exports of films and television from Britain, which reached a wave of popularity, amounted to 1.2 billion dollars.
The US policy in Central Asia is also often viewed from the position of “soft power”, especially in the cultural and humanitarian dimension. In many ways, this position is more cultivated by adherents of conspiracy theories and geopolitics. We are talking about the formation of an alumni pool, i.e. alumni network of American exchange programs. This is what the United States has been actively doing and continues to do at the present time - to actively invest in the development of human capital by providing various kinds of educational and / or research programs in the world and in the Central Asian region in particular. Moreover, it is important to note that the policy of encouraging and promoting democratic values and human rights has been a key tenet of Washington's foreign policy strategy for at least the past 30 years.
As part of this work, we will consider how the United States applied the concept of “soft power” and why it was successful.
The object of our research: US foreign policy at the end of the 20th - at the beginning of the 21st century.
Subject of study: the U.S. public diplomacy in Central Asia as an instrument of its foreign policy.
Territorial and chronological framework of the study. The study of the components of “soft power” in US foreign policy as a whole is concentrated within the period 2000-2018 years. And territorial limits of the United States of America in countries of interest in the zone of influence of US foreign policy....
A pragmatic view of the diversity of the real experience of public diplomacy convinces us that this format of international cooperation is not only in demand in the activities of various actors in world politics, but also very variable. However, the decisive role is invariably played by the goals of the foreign policy of states seeking to confirm, expand or advance their influence on the scale of a certain space.
Therefore, in order to assess the prospects of the programs put forward in the context of public diplomacy, it is necessary, firstly, to determine whether they are aimed at ensuring the stability of the host societies or, on the contrary, at creating a new balance of internal political forces, that is, at destabilization; secondly, to find out whether the practice of public diplomacy mediates the longterm goals of co-development of partner countries or is aimed only at connecting their potential to unilateral projects.
And, finally, thirdly, the possibilities of public diplomacy should not be used as a new tool for intensifying international competition. Despite increasingly disturbing examples, soft power should not play the role of the vanguard of hard power.
Along with the Balkans, whose military-political instability was finally extinguished in the first years of the new millennium, one of the most unstable regions of the world at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries and also in our time is also Afghanistan - a state on whose territory the fighting has been going on with variable activity since 1978.
As in the case of the Balkans, this region at the turn of the century also served as a demonstration of the military and political potential of the United States and a number of European states. As part of the war between America and its allies, since 2001, there has been a confrontation in Afghanistan with the international terrorist organizations Taliban and Al-Qaeda.
This conflict can also be considered as a platform for the implementation of the “soft power” of the parties involved. When analyzing the military operations that the United States has launched in Afghanistan since 2001, the decisive factor, at first glance, is the use of “hard power”: bombing, missile strikes. US military dominance ensured American success in the first phase of the war in Afghanistan.
At the same time, the implementation of "soft power" in relation to terrorism, ideologically based on a fanatical belief in a certain cultural and religious value system, seems doubtful. As Nye himself states, “soft power will never convert fanatics.” In this light, Nye rightly notes the confrontation between radicals and moderate Muslims in the Islamic world and points to the importance of political support for moderate Muslims from the United States and countries with developed democracies, more effective use of public diplomacy to explain common interests.
And at the same time, the American scholar emphasizes the fallacy of looking at US actions in Afghanistan as a victory over terrorism in the form of Al- Qaeda and the Taliban. Al-Qaeda as a transnational organization has cells in many states (Nye gives the number 60).
The possibility of a bomb attack on the branches of the organization located on the territory of the United States, Canada or Germany (Hamburg cell) seems impossible. As part of the fight against such points, it is important not military, but peaceful cooperation, involving various measures: joint tracking of global financial flows, the exchange of intelligence data, and coordination of police actions at the borders.
The difficulties that the United States and its allies have encountered in the fight against international terrorism are largely determined by the strategy and tactics chosen by the terrorists. Realizing their limited military and economic resources in direct competition with the enemy, terrorist organizations resort to targeted measures that provoke the enemy to incorrect actions.
Osama bin Laden’s strategy envisaged a set of measures aimed primarily at discrediting confidence in the United States and weakening America’s allies in the Muslim world. As part of the Afghan campaign, the United States and allies also faced the tactics of pinpoint strikes that destabilize the situation in the country.
It was much easier for the United States to win the original war against the government than it was to defeat non-state militant groups. Such formations played a significant role in Afghanistan in 2001-2002 during major American operations. But their role has become even more significant since 2003, from the beginning of the Taliban guerrilla war and the transition to pinpoint strikes and terrorist actions, as mentioned above....
Therefore, in order to assess the prospects of the programs put forward in the context of public diplomacy, it is necessary, firstly, to determine whether they are aimed at ensuring the stability of the host societies or, on the contrary, at creating a new balance of internal political forces, that is, at destabilization; secondly, to find out whether the practice of public diplomacy mediates the longterm goals of co-development of partner countries or is aimed only at connecting their potential to unilateral projects.
And, finally, thirdly, the possibilities of public diplomacy should not be used as a new tool for intensifying international competition. Despite increasingly disturbing examples, soft power should not play the role of the vanguard of hard power.
Along with the Balkans, whose military-political instability was finally extinguished in the first years of the new millennium, one of the most unstable regions of the world at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries and also in our time is also Afghanistan - a state on whose territory the fighting has been going on with variable activity since 1978.
As in the case of the Balkans, this region at the turn of the century also served as a demonstration of the military and political potential of the United States and a number of European states. As part of the war between America and its allies, since 2001, there has been a confrontation in Afghanistan with the international terrorist organizations Taliban and Al-Qaeda.
This conflict can also be considered as a platform for the implementation of the “soft power” of the parties involved. When analyzing the military operations that the United States has launched in Afghanistan since 2001, the decisive factor, at first glance, is the use of “hard power”: bombing, missile strikes. US military dominance ensured American success in the first phase of the war in Afghanistan.
At the same time, the implementation of "soft power" in relation to terrorism, ideologically based on a fanatical belief in a certain cultural and religious value system, seems doubtful. As Nye himself states, “soft power will never convert fanatics.” In this light, Nye rightly notes the confrontation between radicals and moderate Muslims in the Islamic world and points to the importance of political support for moderate Muslims from the United States and countries with developed democracies, more effective use of public diplomacy to explain common interests.
And at the same time, the American scholar emphasizes the fallacy of looking at US actions in Afghanistan as a victory over terrorism in the form of Al- Qaeda and the Taliban. Al-Qaeda as a transnational organization has cells in many states (Nye gives the number 60).
The possibility of a bomb attack on the branches of the organization located on the territory of the United States, Canada or Germany (Hamburg cell) seems impossible. As part of the fight against such points, it is important not military, but peaceful cooperation, involving various measures: joint tracking of global financial flows, the exchange of intelligence data, and coordination of police actions at the borders.
The difficulties that the United States and its allies have encountered in the fight against international terrorism are largely determined by the strategy and tactics chosen by the terrorists. Realizing their limited military and economic resources in direct competition with the enemy, terrorist organizations resort to targeted measures that provoke the enemy to incorrect actions.
Osama bin Laden’s strategy envisaged a set of measures aimed primarily at discrediting confidence in the United States and weakening America’s allies in the Muslim world. As part of the Afghan campaign, the United States and allies also faced the tactics of pinpoint strikes that destabilize the situation in the country.
It was much easier for the United States to win the original war against the government than it was to defeat non-state militant groups. Such formations played a significant role in Afghanistan in 2001-2002 during major American operations. But their role has become even more significant since 2003, from the beginning of the Taliban guerrilla war and the transition to pinpoint strikes and terrorist actions, as mentioned above....
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