Тема коронавирусной инфекции в журнале "The Economist"
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THEORETICAL PART 1
1. Theoretical basis for the study of coronavirus theme in “The
Economist” 1
1.1 The object and the subject 1
1.2 The new world situation under the new coronavirus pandemic 2
1.3 Overview of “The Economist” 3
1.3.1 The background and development history of the publication 3
1.3.2 “The Economist” editing characteristics and reporting style 6
1.4 Discourse Analysis Theory 8
1.4.1 Concepts and theoretical points about discourse analysis 8
1.4.2 Linguistic analysis methods (including critical discourse analysis) 10
PRACTICAL PART 13
2. Research on the name and development of the global coronavirus
pandemic 13
2.1 Rules for the formulation and development of new coronavirus names 13
2.2 The racist question behind coronavirus names 15
3. The example-based language commonality of “The Economist” 19
3.1 Introduction to the content of the selected text 19
3.2 Features’ Analysis in the texts 23
3.3 Conclusion: Language Commonality of “The Economist” 31
4. Linguistic characteristics of different sections of “The Economist
on coronavirus-related topics 33
4.1 Introduction to selected sections 33
4.2 Analysis of the language characteristics of different sections of “The
Economist” 35
4.2.1 “Continents and countries” Section 35
4.2.2 “Science and technology” Section 40
4.2.3 “Finance and economics” Section 46
4.3 Conclusion: Differences in language characteristics between
coronavirus-themed articles in different sections of “The Economist” 51
Appendix 55
literature review 84
1. Theoretical basis for the study of coronavirus theme in “The
Economist” 1
1.1 The object and the subject 1
1.2 The new world situation under the new coronavirus pandemic 2
1.3 Overview of “The Economist” 3
1.3.1 The background and development history of the publication 3
1.3.2 “The Economist” editing characteristics and reporting style 6
1.4 Discourse Analysis Theory 8
1.4.1 Concepts and theoretical points about discourse analysis 8
1.4.2 Linguistic analysis methods (including critical discourse analysis) 10
PRACTICAL PART 13
2. Research on the name and development of the global coronavirus
pandemic 13
2.1 Rules for the formulation and development of new coronavirus names 13
2.2 The racist question behind coronavirus names 15
3. The example-based language commonality of “The Economist” 19
3.1 Introduction to the content of the selected text 19
3.2 Features’ Analysis in the texts 23
3.3 Conclusion: Language Commonality of “The Economist” 31
4. Linguistic characteristics of different sections of “The Economist
on coronavirus-related topics 33
4.1 Introduction to selected sections 33
4.2 Analysis of the language characteristics of different sections of “The
Economist” 35
4.2.1 “Continents and countries” Section 35
4.2.2 “Science and technology” Section 40
4.2.3 “Finance and economics” Section 46
4.3 Conclusion: Differences in language characteristics between
coronavirus-themed articles in different sections of “The Economist” 51
Appendix 55
literature review 84
The 2019 coronavirus outbreak has changed the way we live and has affected every aspect of our lives. It accelerates existing trends in which people work and travel and consume information. Under the influence of COVID-19, the mass media as a powerful tool to influence public opinion has also undergone major changes. In the current global situation, various magazines and media in different countries have different opinions. So, what kind of magazine or public opinion is the fact that the public expects? This will be a question worth discussing
“The Economist” has a history of more than 160 years, and in the nearly 100 years since its establishment, it has developed very slowly. At the beginning of the publication of “The Economist”, the average weekly circulation was 1969, and it was published within 20 years. Circulation began to pick up in the 1950s, and did not exceed 100,000 copies until the 1970s. After World War II, with the continuous improvement of the global economic integration, the political and economic information in the world has become more and more important. The release of “The Economist” has seen continued growth.
Today, “The Economist” has a circulation of 1.4 million copies and has been distributed in many countries around the world. More than four-fifths of releases are outside the UK. In the context of the global outbreak of COVID-19, Western news, as a common English learning material, conveys implicit positions through language, which needs to be clearly understood and distinguished by learners. In today's information age, mass media has increasingly become a medium that affects individual cognition and value judgment of audiences.
As countries around the world become more interconnected, so does the breadth of news. Readers from all over the world are no longer limited to the media in their own countries, but want to understand the situation in the world and the insights of experts in various fields on specific events. External news magazines are an important way to understand the voices of the world, and also an effective means to promote the communication and integration of information among countries. The new crown epidemic has undoubtedly been a hot topic in the news media in the past two years. This practical report selects a series of articles on the theme of “new crown epidemic” in “The Economist”. The language characteristics of “Students”, and how the language and opinions of different authors on novel coronavirus-related topics differ, and what different vocabulary is used in this context. This work will also combine the reports from other media and newspapers in the UK to point out that they may influence readers' Western subjective positions, stereotypes and ideologies, and will present an analysis of the particularity and influence of different media on public opinion manipulation.
The significance of the research can be specified by identification and application of linguistic means as a speech influence strategy, as well as manipulative presentation tactics, which can be defined as a set of speech acts designed primarily to distort different kinds of information.
The relevance of the topic of coronavirus lies in the analysis of the impact of serious and unpredictable social phenomena on the nature and language of media publications on a global scale, how to solve the task of transmitting information in society and how this produces a language of change. This research will help future research on language changes caused by the “black swan event” of the coronavirus.
It might be worth mentioning, that the research can be useful not only in solving further problems with COVID-19 but with probable pandemic and endemic situations in the future.
The novelty of my thesis is that the coronavirus pandemic broke out at the end of 2019. Until now, there have been few studies on COVID-19, and few analyses combined with the specificity of COVID-19. In addition, this research data is selected from the report on the coronavirus published by “The Economist” in 2019-2021, which is the latest and effective....
“The Economist” has a history of more than 160 years, and in the nearly 100 years since its establishment, it has developed very slowly. At the beginning of the publication of “The Economist”, the average weekly circulation was 1969, and it was published within 20 years. Circulation began to pick up in the 1950s, and did not exceed 100,000 copies until the 1970s. After World War II, with the continuous improvement of the global economic integration, the political and economic information in the world has become more and more important. The release of “The Economist” has seen continued growth.
Today, “The Economist” has a circulation of 1.4 million copies and has been distributed in many countries around the world. More than four-fifths of releases are outside the UK. In the context of the global outbreak of COVID-19, Western news, as a common English learning material, conveys implicit positions through language, which needs to be clearly understood and distinguished by learners. In today's information age, mass media has increasingly become a medium that affects individual cognition and value judgment of audiences.
As countries around the world become more interconnected, so does the breadth of news. Readers from all over the world are no longer limited to the media in their own countries, but want to understand the situation in the world and the insights of experts in various fields on specific events. External news magazines are an important way to understand the voices of the world, and also an effective means to promote the communication and integration of information among countries. The new crown epidemic has undoubtedly been a hot topic in the news media in the past two years. This practical report selects a series of articles on the theme of “new crown epidemic” in “The Economist”. The language characteristics of “Students”, and how the language and opinions of different authors on novel coronavirus-related topics differ, and what different vocabulary is used in this context. This work will also combine the reports from other media and newspapers in the UK to point out that they may influence readers' Western subjective positions, stereotypes and ideologies, and will present an analysis of the particularity and influence of different media on public opinion manipulation.
The significance of the research can be specified by identification and application of linguistic means as a speech influence strategy, as well as manipulative presentation tactics, which can be defined as a set of speech acts designed primarily to distort different kinds of information.
The relevance of the topic of coronavirus lies in the analysis of the impact of serious and unpredictable social phenomena on the nature and language of media publications on a global scale, how to solve the task of transmitting information in society and how this produces a language of change. This research will help future research on language changes caused by the “black swan event” of the coronavirus.
It might be worth mentioning, that the research can be useful not only in solving further problems with COVID-19 but with probable pandemic and endemic situations in the future.
The novelty of my thesis is that the coronavirus pandemic broke out at the end of 2019. Until now, there have been few studies on COVID-19, and few analyses combined with the specificity of COVID-19. In addition, this research data is selected from the report on the coronavirus published by “The Economist” in 2019-2021, which is the latest and effective....
THE PANDEMIC in Africa will not be just a crisis of public health or the economy. It risks becoming a political emergency that threatens the democratic progress that countries across the continent have made in recent years. Africa is poorly placed to deal with the situation. Only a few countries have social safety nets and fiscal space to cushion the impact of the severe economic recession that both the IMF and World Bank forecasts. Millions of people may lose their jobs or other sources of income. This will cause widespread social distress and possibly political upheaval, especially among young people who lack work and opportunity more than ever.
This convergence of economic, social and political crises threatens stability. Ironically, democratic elections will be the match that lights the fuse. At least 18 African countries including Ethiopia, Ghana and Ivory Coast are expected to hold national elections in 2020. The majority of them are in the midst of conflicts or are just emerging from them, such as Niger, Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. The governments face a tremendous challenge: impose strict social restrictions to prevent contagion, while at the same time let citizens meaningfully participate in the electoral process.
This presents complex questions involving fundamental human rights, the integrity of democracy and the legitimacy of governments. The answers will mean difficult trade-offs. But the people and leaders of Africa must be vigilant to ensure that the pandemic does not become an excuse simply to avoid or postpone elections for political advantage, or to institute authoritarian and anti-democratic measures in the name of public health.
What can be done to secure the democratic gains and individual freedoms that Africans have secured in recent times, often at great cost? There are several steps that governments and the public can take, based on recommendations from an international group of electoral experts convened by the Kofi Annan Foundation.
The foundational principle is the rule of law. Emergency measures on elections should be grounded in constitutional provisions and electoral laws. Where the national legal framework does not anticipate the current situation, legal changes should be made in line with internationally accepted standards. The postponement of elections should not be open-ended. Rather, there should be clarity and agreement on when the health situation permits elections to take place with a reasonable assurance of safety.
Next, political trust. Leaders should consult widely to build consensus across the political landscape. If they do not, emergency measures may be perceived as a strategy for political gain by incumbents. This subverts the public trust needed to address the health crisis.
Third, transparency. Governments and electoral authorities should provide clear and frequent communication with the public. Citizens will need to understand what measures are being considered, by whom and on what grounds. The media and civil-society groups have a crucial role to play to preserve democracy by monitoring policies, fostering debate and shining light on critical issues. Governments must protect the freedom of expression. Cover-ups in politics, as in health, only make matters worse.
Finally, the principle of proportionality. Any measures that governments take— such as protection at polling stations, or changes in how voters are registered, ballots are cast or votes are counted—should be reasonable and proportionate to the health risk. The virus is not an excuse to ignore sound electoral practice. Election experts should be consulted as early as possible.
Even with free and fair elections, Africa’s democracy is threatened by fragile economies. Countries will need substantial assistance to get through the crisis. Governments and their international partners must avoid the failed policies of the past, when even though debt was forgiven or rescheduled, budgets for education and health care were slashed. This contributed to the serial unrest that overwhelmed many countries. Imposing fiscal austerity amid mass unemployment would threaten stability and democratic progress.
Hard times often make people especially vulnerable to the siren song of populists and extremists trading on communal enmities. Only with measures like these can Africa prevent a health crisis from killing its nascent democracies.
Alan Doss is the outgoing president of the Kofi Annan Foundation and a former senior UN official with extensive experience in Africa. Mo Ibrahim is the founder of Celtel, an international mobile operator, and the chairman of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, which promotes leadership and good public governance in Africa with the ability to pay (Germany) to those struggling to (Spain). National capitals will now haggle over a final deal.
Ms Vestager says higher German spending has been on the au's wish-list for years. AB for long-term risks to the state-aid regime, she emphasises that the easing of the rules is temporary. She has insisted that companies which were in bad shape before COVID-19 struck cannot be rescued; troubled firms that get government bail-outs must pay them back. Those that get the most help cannot pay dividends or bonuses until they repay most of the state aid.
Old Brussels hands say the commission has little choice but to give states leeway in the crisis. "Governments will simply ignore au rules if they don't flex enough that’s what the commission wants to avoid, u says one lawyer. Once everyone has bought into the system's fast-track approval process, the rules can be tightened, for example by demanding that aid to companies is gradually withdrawn....
This convergence of economic, social and political crises threatens stability. Ironically, democratic elections will be the match that lights the fuse. At least 18 African countries including Ethiopia, Ghana and Ivory Coast are expected to hold national elections in 2020. The majority of them are in the midst of conflicts or are just emerging from them, such as Niger, Burkina Faso and the Central African Republic. The governments face a tremendous challenge: impose strict social restrictions to prevent contagion, while at the same time let citizens meaningfully participate in the electoral process.
This presents complex questions involving fundamental human rights, the integrity of democracy and the legitimacy of governments. The answers will mean difficult trade-offs. But the people and leaders of Africa must be vigilant to ensure that the pandemic does not become an excuse simply to avoid or postpone elections for political advantage, or to institute authoritarian and anti-democratic measures in the name of public health.
What can be done to secure the democratic gains and individual freedoms that Africans have secured in recent times, often at great cost? There are several steps that governments and the public can take, based on recommendations from an international group of electoral experts convened by the Kofi Annan Foundation.
The foundational principle is the rule of law. Emergency measures on elections should be grounded in constitutional provisions and electoral laws. Where the national legal framework does not anticipate the current situation, legal changes should be made in line with internationally accepted standards. The postponement of elections should not be open-ended. Rather, there should be clarity and agreement on when the health situation permits elections to take place with a reasonable assurance of safety.
Next, political trust. Leaders should consult widely to build consensus across the political landscape. If they do not, emergency measures may be perceived as a strategy for political gain by incumbents. This subverts the public trust needed to address the health crisis.
Third, transparency. Governments and electoral authorities should provide clear and frequent communication with the public. Citizens will need to understand what measures are being considered, by whom and on what grounds. The media and civil-society groups have a crucial role to play to preserve democracy by monitoring policies, fostering debate and shining light on critical issues. Governments must protect the freedom of expression. Cover-ups in politics, as in health, only make matters worse.
Finally, the principle of proportionality. Any measures that governments take— such as protection at polling stations, or changes in how voters are registered, ballots are cast or votes are counted—should be reasonable and proportionate to the health risk. The virus is not an excuse to ignore sound electoral practice. Election experts should be consulted as early as possible.
Even with free and fair elections, Africa’s democracy is threatened by fragile economies. Countries will need substantial assistance to get through the crisis. Governments and their international partners must avoid the failed policies of the past, when even though debt was forgiven or rescheduled, budgets for education and health care were slashed. This contributed to the serial unrest that overwhelmed many countries. Imposing fiscal austerity amid mass unemployment would threaten stability and democratic progress.
Hard times often make people especially vulnerable to the siren song of populists and extremists trading on communal enmities. Only with measures like these can Africa prevent a health crisis from killing its nascent democracies.
Alan Doss is the outgoing president of the Kofi Annan Foundation and a former senior UN official with extensive experience in Africa. Mo Ibrahim is the founder of Celtel, an international mobile operator, and the chairman of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, which promotes leadership and good public governance in Africa with the ability to pay (Germany) to those struggling to (Spain). National capitals will now haggle over a final deal.
Ms Vestager says higher German spending has been on the au's wish-list for years. AB for long-term risks to the state-aid regime, she emphasises that the easing of the rules is temporary. She has insisted that companies which were in bad shape before COVID-19 struck cannot be rescued; troubled firms that get government bail-outs must pay them back. Those that get the most help cannot pay dividends or bonuses until they repay most of the state aid.
Old Brussels hands say the commission has little choice but to give states leeway in the crisis. "Governments will simply ignore au rules if they don't flex enough that’s what the commission wants to avoid, u says one lawyer. Once everyone has bought into the system's fast-track approval process, the rules can be tightened, for example by demanding that aid to companies is gradually withdrawn....
